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Bies and Thomas M. Chapter 3. A Criminal is a Victim is a Criminal? Chapter 4. Chapter 5. Chapter 6. Chapter 7.

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Chapter 8. Chapter 9. Members of the opposition movement have mobilized to oust the current administration; government supporters have engaged in contentious action in support of it. My research explores how local participatory institutions are shaping the forms of political action that citizens engage in. In opposition strongholds, do these councils primarily act as sites for contention, or are new cooperative state-society relations being formed?

Where supporters predominate, are the councils primarily sites for mobilization on behalf of administration priorities? Do councils receive uniform treatment by the state, regardless of their internal activities? Or are some punished and others rewarded, leading to new episodes of contention?

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I will carry out research in Kenya to determine how informal networks interact with formal institutions in the production of ethnic violence. Theories of ethnic conflict that focus on conflicts over land resources or failed institutions cannot fully explain violence in Kenya. Recent research that focuses on the microfoundations of violence does not adequately illuminate how violence is mobilized. This research seeks to answer two main questions. First, does the mobilization of political violence depend on broad-based social capital and dense social networks, or is it mobilized by narrow, insular networks detached from broader patterns of civic engagement?

Second, if narrow networks are behind the mobilization of political violence, this can occur in two ways. It could occur in spite of broad-based social capital that would otherwise impede violence. Alternatively, narrower networks may be organizing violence only in the absence of strong social capital. Resolving these questions will contribute to the literature on ethnic conflict by adding to our understanding of agency in ethnic violence, and why violence occurs in some places and not others, and why some identities and not others become politically salient.

Finally, it will show how substantive issues interact with social structure to produce violence.

Connecting historical scholarship on empire to later work on democracy by political scientists, I will examine how citizenship and political culture in French West Africa were shaped by the act of voting. By , all Africans in French West Africa over age twenty-one could vote. The expansion of voting rights took place in the context of enormous contestation among French and African actors over what empire should look like, how overseas citizens should participate in its governance, and what rights, duties, and benefits they should expect from the state.

In the context of the expansion of the right to vote, how did Africans envision the possibilities and constraints of voting?

Analysis of violence for peacebuilders (2018)

Examining how Africans viewed voting helps us think about the idea of democratic institutions as universal: voting might mean something different in Paris than in Bamako. By the postwar era, elections were a key element of imperial citizenship. Why do governments comply with their international human rights commitments? Prevailing literature on this topic has focused on whether or not a country ratifies an international treaty, arguing that such treaty commitments shape the way citizens make demands on their national governments.

Such work, however, tells us little about how international law plays out in the domestic arena once ratified. Building on existing literature, I suggest that how both treaty commitments and customary law are situated in regard to national law define the space within which domestic claim-makers operate. In my dissertation, I seek to develop and investigate this hypothesis through a series of comparative case studies of NGOs in Colombia where international law has precedence over domestic law and Mexico where domestic law trumps international law. Studies examining relations among the constellation of political contenders in the public sphere have been unable to include more than a few social movements or years and often neglect the connections between movements and organizations or between structural and interpretive processes.

To fill these gaps, two main questions will be explored using new data from the newspaper coverage of all major U. First, under what conditions — changing political, economic, and media environments — were the rates of SMO formation and their rates of emergence in national newspaper articles influenced by information-diffusion or organizational-diffusion processes? Through examining movements by issue I ascertain what inter-movement dynamics and historical contexts promote the spread of claims-making beyond a single movement.

Secondly, I examine under what conditions do SMOs receive coverage legitimating their claims-making at emergence? These questions will be addressed by employing time-series and content-analyses on data from more than U.


The historical trajectory of the U. How has criminalization become a naturalized response to gender-based violence? What political and organizational conditions facilitated this shift, and how has the increasing trend influenced movement dynamics and goals? To better understand the nature of changing historical conditions and its implications on movement dynamics, I will conduct: 1 semi-structured interviews of movement leaders instrumental in advancing criminal justice collaborations as well as key opponents; and 2 case studies of emerging anti-violence organizational challenges to criminalization.

The objective of the research is to evaluate the causal significance of transformational historical moments on movement dynamics, including influential law suits challenging unresponsive law enforcement, the promotion of mandatory arrest policies, and the passage of the Violence against Women Act. It also aims to uncover the relationship of these moments to general patterns of mobilization, demobilization and the emergence of contemporary radical challenges represented by the prison abolitionist movement, communities-of-color and lesbian-gay-bisexual-transgender-queer LGBTQ communities.

Several scholars have noted that the field of contentious politics loosely integrates spatial analyses.

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My research thus brings to light historical and spatial patterns of mobilization by providing a multi-sited comparative study that analyses different repertoires of contention unfolding at the sub-national level. I have bracketed my study of sub-national level politics within Senegal's current neoliberal moment. This historical moment has paired structural adjustment programs with rapid rates of urbanization.

As more residents move to Pikine and Sangalkam, land traditionally used for farming purposes is sold to create housing developments. Recent decentralization reforms in have opened a window by which local governments have been given -and taken- powers to allocate land, even though these powers are still coveted by central government administrators. My project thus focuses on the means by which various central government actors, local government officials, and local populations are negotiating contentious struggles over land and authority.

I argue that locally based political dynamics have distinctive repertoires and mechanisms. I propose to develop this argument by researching secondary materials and conducting ethnographies in Pikine and Sangalkam, paying specific attention to how planning, laws and taxes influence socio-spatial patterns of contention. In , the Baathists mounted a successful coup, marking a new era in Syrian politics.

Peace and Conflict Studies

At the same time, Muhammad Reza Pahlavi of Iran launched the White Revolution to transform Iranian society and turn the country into an economic power. During this pivotal juncture, both countries experienced contentious politics in the form of Islamist-led opposition movements that challenged the regime for supremacy. While the Baathists survived insurrection, the Shah was toppled during the Islamic Revolution of